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  • Poverty is linked to an increased risk of both victimisation and offending (Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 38).
  • CSA victimisation by a parent can leave a child with serious trust issues and a poor attachment style to their primary caregiver (Alexander, 1992, p. 185; Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7).
  • Growing up exposed to negative environments such as violence in the family home, drugs and/or alcohol abuse, neglect, or abuse, especially child sexual abuse (CSA), can negatively harm a child’s psychological, social, and physical development (Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 51).
  • CSA victims are most commonly victimised by somebody that they know, either a close family friend, a relative, or a parent, or sibling (Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 470).
  • Short-term emotional impacts of CSA often include fear, anxiety, anger, and shame (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7).
  • Behaviourally a child victimised by CSA may show signs of being socially isolated and withdrawn from their peers, mood swings and depression (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7; Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 191).
  • Short-term physical impacts of CSA on a child can include headaches, stomach-aches, and trouble sleeping (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7).
  • Victimisation is often used as a predictor of later delinquent behaviour (Jennings, Piquero, & Reingle, 2012, p. 19).
  • The earlier a child shows signs of and engages in criminal behaviour such as delinquent peers, low self-control and a lack of positive socialisation are the more likely they are to commit crimes into adulthood (Cashmore, 2011, p. 31; Jennings, Piquero, & Reingle, 2012, p. 17).
  • CSA can leave many long-lasting psychological, physical, behavioural. and sexual effects on the victims (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7).
  • CSA victims can often display signs of severe trust issues that often lead to social isolation, self-hatred and self-harming behaviours (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7). These self-destructive behaviours can progress to eating disorders as a means of regaining control over their lives, to drug and/or alcohol abuse in order to escape their abuse mentally (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7; Green, 2010, p. 732).
  • There is conflicting evidence about the younger a child is when they are sexually abused and the link between long-term behavioural and psychological impacts of the abuse and criminal/offending behaviour (Hanson & Slater, 1988, p. 486; Widom & Ames, 1994, p.304).
  • In terms of offending behaviours, poverty is associated with more violent types of offending behaviours in both adult and juvenile offenders (Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 38).
  • CSA victims who are abused by a family member such as a parent often run away from home and for females they often end up resorting to prostitution (Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 470).
  • Female CSA victims tend to internalise behaviours, which is linked with poor emotional self-regulation and control (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7).
  • Victims of CSA can often turn to prostitution and/or drugs as a result of their childhood trauma (Widom & Ames, 1994, p. 303).
  • Once considered an offender, the literature identifies that law enforcement and correctional professionals fail to consider many of their histories of abuse and/or neglect as mitigating factors towards why the offend (Bartol & Bartol, 2014, p. 38).
  • CSA victim’s physical development can be detrimentally effected (Eastwood, 2003, p. 3; Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7). Male and female CSA victims can exhibit increased sexual risk-taking behaviours such as promiscuity, and are more susceptible to contracting sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), HIV/AIDS, and for female’s teenage pregnancy (Eastwood & Patton, 2002, p. 7).
  • Strong emotions such as anger, anxiety, and confusion are common amongst CSA victims especially as they grow older (Widom & Ames, 1994, p. 303).
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